The Journal of the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party Delegation Visiting European Socialist Democratic Parties
In the second half of May 2006, a three-member delegation of the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party (CSDP) led by the chairman Liu Guokai visited the Socialist Democratic Parties of Sweden, Holland, and France. These were ground-breaking visits as the Chinese socialist democrats met their much more established European counterparts for the first time. It symbolizes the Chinese socialist democracy movement has begun to converge into the historic tide of the worldwide socialist democracy movement, further strengthening the global movement with the infusion of fresh elements, perspectives and aspirations, and drawing from it traditions, convictions, and moral support.
I. Stockholm, Sweden
-- The engagement approach or not, the Chinese Communist Party’s revolutionary leadership rules on, and it does not want the real social democracy to take root in China.
On the morning of May 22, 2006 at 10 a.m. the CSDP delegation arrived at the headquarters of the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SSDP). Mr. Liu Guokai was joined by Mr. Liu Yinquan, the secretary general, and Mr. Zhou Yanfeng, the director of international communications. The delegation was welcomed by Ms. Ann Linde, the SSDP’s international secretary, Mr. Ingemar Bengtsson, the SSDP’s Speechwriter responsible for election affairs, and Ms. Anny Snadgren, in charge of internal Party’s training. Mr. Chen Shizhong, a Swedish Social Democrat and a local contact person of the CSDP also attended the meeting.
After Mr. Liu Guokai opened the meeting with a brief speech in English, the participants started their conversation and exchange covering a wide range of subjects. Messrs. Liu Guokai and Liu Yinquan spoke in Chinese, and Ms. Linde spoke in English, while Mr. Zhou Yanfeng was the translator, who also added his own opinions after his translation. (This method was used in all subsequent meetings and conversations with other Parties in Europe).
At first, Ms. Linde wanted to learn briefly some general information about the CSDP. Mr. Liu Yinquan presented an introduction about the formation and organization of the CSDP and our current status. He especially emphasized that given the unrelenting repression and persecution towards all democratic activists and dissidents within China, the CSDP’s party organization apparatus can only exist and operate underground. Even though we have been extremely careful and vigilant, some of our secret Party offices were uncovered and destroyed by the Chinese Communist Party’s State Security police, our members were detained and questioned, while others arrested and sentenced. The most serious case of persecution that has come to light is Mr. Wang Xiaoning. A member of the CSDP’s Beijing party branch, a CSDP’s Central Committee Member and the Executive Director of the Central Office of Political Theory and Policy Studies, Mr. Wang Xiaoning was arrested in September 2002 and summarily sentenced to 10 years in prison in September 2003.
Mr. Liu Guokai specifically talked about the problems facing social democracy in China. The difficulties come from many fronts. In China, the so called intelligentsia, which lacks independence and is given a comfortable lifestyle by the government, pontificates such theories as “New Authoritarianism” and “Neo-conservatism” which dictates that stability without which the continued growth and prosperity cannot be sustained in a populous developing country like China trumps everything else, that to have stability we must have status quo, that China needs the Chinese Communist Party to continue its absolute control to ensure status quo, and that only the Communist Party has the ability and wherewithal to govern China. Of course this is circular logic at its best, and a naked academic justification to glorify the dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party. Because China under the Communist Party’s reign has become a very populous and still developing country, China needs the Communist Party to continue its totalitarian regime or China would be beset by chaos and risk losing prosperity.
While the State-sponsored intellectuals glorify the CCP’s dictatorship, the Chinese dissident groups abroad expound liberalism that exaggerates the limitation effects that social democracy would have on economy in reaching social fairness. Some people unfamiliar with the principals and theories of social democracy mistakenly believe that social democracy is same as the Chinese Communist Party’s brand of “socialism,” and become skeptics of social democracy.
The biggest attack and suppression of social democratic theory of course comes from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The CCP carries a nonchalant attitude toward capitalism, whether one is attacking or glorifying capitalism. This is so because for the first thirty plus years of its rule, the CCP condemned capitalism for all of its sins and inhumanity in preaching communism was the salvation for the Chinese people; however, for the past more than 10 years, the CCP has been implementing the early stage and most inhuman form of capitalism. And social democracy is exactly the mirror that reveals the truth and all the ugliness of the evil. It exposes the betrayal, lies, and deceits in the CCP’s brand of so-called “socialism.” Thus, the CCP is very much fearful of the principles and practices of social democracy, as well as the monumental accomplishment and success of social democracy in Western European countries, which is a taboo that cannot be broached in China at all. Self-conscious and driven by instincts of self-preservation, the CCP recognizes that it cannot explain away the real and huge success of social democratic parties in western and northwestern European countries, and is constantly worried that once Chinese people learn of the truth, the people will come to realize what the CCP really is, a fraud and an anti-people evil regime. Therefore, the CCP hypes “New Authoritarianism,” allows “liberalism” and “capitalism” to spread, but abhors the real social democracy and strives to kill it at its bud at all costs.
Ms. Linde said that while currently most of the social democratic parties in Europe have contact with the Chinese Communist Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party has insisted not to have contact with the CCP. Ms. Linde asked: “how do you all feel about this?”
All three delegates said almost simultaneously that they had a lot of respect for that.
Ms. Linde explained that although those social democratic parties in Europe who have contacts with the CCP recognize what the CCP is, just as the Swedish does, they have adopted the engagement approach to the CCP in the belief that if they maintain a relationship with the CCP, it would help its transformation, as was the case for the formal Soviet Union.
Regarding this, Mr. Liu Guokai said that the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party does not oppose the engagement approach. Under the right circumstances, this approach would have some effect on a particular matter. However, it would be quixotic to use this approach to help change the Chinese Communist Party fundamentally. The three delegates expressed their own opinions regarding this subject, which can be summarized as follows:
1. The former Soviet Union was basically an European country. China is purely an Asian country in the Far East. Geopolitically, the influence of modern Europe and modern democratic principals has been much more pervasive and stronger on the Soviet Union than on China.
2. The Soviet Communist Party’s revolutionary leadership who fought for only a few years of the civil war before coming to power was so much smaller than that of the Chinese Communist Party that fought for more than 20 years before finally taking over China in 1949. Consequently, the Soviet Communist revolutionary’s iron reign was that much shorter than the Chinese. The more than two decades of “revolution” cemented an entire class of “revolutionary heroes,” with its Communist “founding fathers” leadership atop, and provided the enduring, strong and fully vested political, social and economic foundation for the CCP’s dictatorship over China. For example, the Soviet revolutionary leadership lasted from Lenin in 1917 to Stalin in 1953, a little more than three decades. In contrast, Mao Zedong was the paramount leader from 1949 through 1976; after Mao died in 1976, Deng Xiaoping, a teenager when the Communist revolution started and a junior member of the Communist revolutionary leadership, took over until early 1990’s; and Jiang Zemin, the “core of the third-generation” until 2003, brandished his revolutionary pedigree by claiming to be an adopted son of a revolutionary martyr.
3. Through the very public and thorough “De-Stanlinization Movement” by Khrushchev, the Soviet Communist Party was weakened in its spirit and organizational structure. On the other hand, Deng Xiaoping, who had been persecuted by Mao, swallowed his hatred towards Mao. Rather than de-deifying Mao to denounce Mao, Deng continued to hoist the Mao’s banner and praised Mao’s achievement and significance for Deng saw the overriding need to stabilize the political leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and continue the CCP’s regime.
4. The Soviet Communist Party didn’t have a well thought-out and charted succession plan. Stalin’s untimely death led to the emergence of Khrushchev. The lack of focus to groom a hard-line successor in the tradition of the Soviet revolutionary resulted in Gorbachev ushering democratic reforms. Unlike the Soviet counterparts, the Chinese Communist Party focused on breeding, selecting and cultivating its “revolutionary successor”. Those who have been recognized, tested, and filtered up through many layers, as absolutely faithful to the dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party are finally anointed to be in the leadership. Ever conscious of Khrushchev and Gorbachev, Deng was so determined not to repeat the mistakes of the Soviet Communist Party that Deng ousted Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, two successors hand-picked by Deng. And the result? Hu Jingtao, the so-called “fourth-generation” leadership as Secretary General of the Party stated unequivocally in an internal senior leadership meeting of the Chinese Communist Party: “Don’t think the economy of North Korea and Cuba is not good, in fact they’ve been politically correct all these time.” Hu Jingtao’s pathetic and ridiculous utterances, music to Deng’s ears, have proved Hu firmly holds the mantle of the “revolutionary successor” of the CCP. So, the son of the Communist Party’s revolutionary leadership rules on.
Based on this brief analysis, the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party’s delegates believe that even if one day the Chinese Communist Party carries out serious and fundamental reform, it must be so because the Communist Party is forced to make reform under overwhelming pressure and outcry for justice, but not because it wants to heed suggestions and recommendations. Therefore, we hope that the social democratic parties in Europe could exert pressure on the Chinese Communist Party.
Ms. Linde raised a question about the fast-growing economy of China over the last 20 years. “Many social democratic parties in Europe feel very confused about it,” Ms. Linde asked. “How do you explain this?”
The delegates responded in the following three points.
1. The Chinese Communist Party always operates inside a black box. The published spectacular achievements are fraught with numbers without disclosing the metrics by which the numbers are computed, and data that can’t be independently verified by the outside world.
2. The “economic miracle” of China is achieved by paying the price of enormous consumption of natural resources. According to statistics, for China to produce goods of equivalent value, China consumes three times as much resource as the world’s average. The drying-up-the-pond-to-fish economic policy of the Chinese Communist Party is causing disastrous results to the very limited world resources, such as rapid deforestation, loss of agrarian lands and desertification, environmental pollutions and global warming.
3. The so called “economic miracle” has created social stratification and extreme polarization of the haves and the have-nots. The bureaucrats of the Chinese Communist Party and the business people who have paid into this political patronage develop a mutually and extremely profitable party-capitalist network, leaving most of the people at the bottom of the society mired in perpetual poverty. The tall buildings in the southeast coastal cities in sharp contrast to the broken down, hapless poor villages in the midwest and throughout the vast inlands of China sufficiently explains the disastrous mirage of the “economic miracle” achieved by the Chinese Communist Party.
When the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party talked about its intention of joining the Socialist International, Mr. Linde responded frankly that there are 166 members in the Socialist International, and many more parties are still in the process of applying. The International has a set of very clear requirements for its membership parties, including 1) its organization must reach to a certain size; and 2) the membership party shall not be in exile. Therefore, your organization is currently not qualified to join the Socialist International.
Around 12:30 p.m. Ms. Linde invited the delegates to have lunch together. After lunch, Ms. Linde left to keep her afternoon appointment. Before her departure, the delegate presented to her several books by Mr. Liu Guokai and the flag of the Chinese Social Democratic Party. The delegates explained the significance of the five colors of the stripes on the flag: sky blue symbolizing freedom; pure white fairness and justice; grass green prosperity; earth yellow democracy; and red compassion. The delegates said that this is the first party flag made by the CSDP ourselves. We gave this flag to the Swedish Social Democratic Party to express our appreciation for the support by the Swedish Social Democratic Party. In the future, when hundreds and thousands of flags of the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party are flying all over China, we will not forget that the first flag is kept with the Swedish Social Democratic Party.
Mr. Ingemar Bengtsson, in charge of the Swedish Social Democratic Party Central Election Committee, talked to the delegates about the party platforms, policies and legislation of the Swedish SDP for the past twelve years that the party has been the ruling party, as well as the strategy for the upcoming election this year.
Mr. Bengtsson’s presentation was followed by Ms. Anny Sandgren, responsible for party’s internal training, introduced the delegates to the methods and experiences of organizational development and internal party education and party member training of the Swedish SDP. Ms. Sandgren also asked about the same thing of the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party. Messrs Liu Guokai and Liu Yinquan provided the following information.
Having established the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party in 2000 in New York, we created the official website of the CSDP, and it immediately became an influential democratic forum. The website was repeatedly destroyed by the Chinese Communist Party’s State Security, and we have put it back up again. In 2003, we created the U.S. International Publishing Company and published a set of books that calls for democracy in general and social democracy in particular. In 2005, Mr. Cai Dengwen, our party’s Secretary of Education, created the biweekly periodic newspaper The Forum on Contemporary Events. Its circulation has reached 13,000. In The Forum, a special editorial page known as the “social democracy forum” edited by Mr. Jiang Pingchao, the director of the U.S. western branch of the CSDP and famous democratic poet. He has written about social democratic theories on this page. All of us have born the expenses to create the website, publish the newspapers and books with savings from our hard-earned salary. We have decided to be self-reliant to achieve our goals and dreams. The Chinese Socialist Democratic Party has not applied for funding with any government or private foundation or donations by non-party members. Although the process is very hard, we are full of confidence and relish in our struggle to establish socialist democracy in China one day.
Ms. Sandgren was surprised and impressed by the delegates’ determination and the CSDP’s self-reliance. Ms. Sandgren presented to the delegates the party emblem of the Swedish Social Democratic Party. The Chinese Socialist Democratic Party’s first visit to the Swedish Social Democrat Party was concluded in a cordial and friendly atmosphere.
II. The Interlude in Denmark
-- No Schengen Agreement, no visas to London, and national celebration of the WWII victory.
The Chinese Socialist Democratic Party had previously contacted the British Labor Party and arranged a meeting in London. Although the three delegates have been in the U.S. for many years, they conscientiously maintain their Chinese citizenship so that the Chinese Communist government cannot call them foreigners who have no right to interfere with the domestic affairs in China. Since the Great Britain is not a signer to the Schengen Agreement, the delegates could not obtain visas to London with their People’s Republic of China passports. Under such circumstances, the delegates decided to go south and visit the Social Democratic Party of Denmark and the Workers Party of Holland.
On May 25, 2006, the delegates arrived at Copenhagen, Demark. However, it was during the national holiday of Denmark to celebrate liberation and the victory of WWII, and their holiday would last to the following Monday, May 29, 2006.
The delegates continued their journey south to Amsterdam, Netherlands. They arrived at Amsterdam on the same day of May 25, 2006, only to find Holland was also in national holiday until Monday. The delegates decided that they would postpone its original plan of arriving at Paris on May 28, 2006 to visit the French Socialist Party on May 29, 2006; instead, the delegates would wait out the weekend in Amsterdam and visit the Workers Party on May 29, 2006.
III. Amsterdam, Netherlands
-- The worst possible cross of the worst of capitalism with the worst of socialism, brought about a precipitous moral decay in the Chinese society; the collective moral conscience has been dying a slow agonizing death.
On May 29, 2006, the delegates of the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party visited Holland’s Workers Party. Because we came without an appointment, staff at the international department of Workers Party was out. However, when the Secretary Office of Workers Party learned that we had come from a long way away, they went looking for their members and arranged them to meet with the delegates. Messrs. Thijis Reuten and Sander van Dijik, both young Worker Party legislators in their 30s, squeezed out their noon time from 11:50 a.m. to 1:00 p.m. before their next scheduled appointment and graciously agreed to meet the delegates.
Mr. Reuten asked about the general situation of the CSDP, and the delegates answered as we did at the Swedish meeting. Mr. Reuten then asked the delegates to talk about the political and economic situation in China. We provided a summary as before.
The Workers Party members have an excellent comprehension of the real situation in China. They said: we understand what the Chinese Communist Party China is doing today is a worst possible cross of the worst of capitalism with the worst of socialism. We know very well that those high-rises in some of the big cities do not equate to a sound economy because the living standards of the workers and formers have not improved correspondently. Compare to the past, the gap of living level between workers, formers and official members of the government and the upper-class of the society has gotten wider and deeper. We also know that the Chinese Communist Party has been most cunning in its dealings with the democratic countries in Europe, in that the CCP dangles the big market in China to attract and win over the business community in European countries, and then influence the foreign relations policy with these governments through the new-found business allies. Indeed, the CCP has mastered the art in leveraging China’s market and investment opportunities as a bargaining chip to blunt the criticism by the European governments on such issues as human rights violations and persecution. For example, Phillips, Holland’s big international company, has invested heavily in China, and it is also beneficial the economy in Holland. The Chinese Communist Party has not hesitated to using this economic relationship to try to curb the criticism of its totalitarianism from both the Holland government and the civilian community.
They continued: “We the Workers Party certainly support your fight for justice and democracy, and it will be moral support primarily, because Holland is a small country and Workers Party face constant challenge from the right-wing parties. Although Workers Party is the biggest political party in the government, the three right-wing parties in a coalition have the majority and become the ruling parties in Holland. Thus, after Workers Party has won the election in the capital Amsterdam, we have to be very deliberate in handling every aspect of our businesses more strategically. Not long ago, Amsterdam organized a business delegation on an exploratory trip to China. The Chinese officials, playing a gracious and generous host, told them that China would build third-two university campuses and that we would give you one project to invest and undertake. The eyes of those business leaders sparkled with anticipation, while the feelings of our Amsterdam mayor, a Workers Party member, were decidedly conflicted, painful and anxious. He could not stop those businessmen from signing contracts with the Chinese officials, but he knew all well that these business deals would give the Chinese Communist Party another shot in the arm, and at the same time, the deals would further constrain the people of Holland and the government from criticizing the totalitarian regime of the CCP.
The delegates appreciated this very telling story and had nothing but respect to the Amsterdam mayor. Precisely because Holland is a democracy, the mayor of the country’s capital cannot tell the business people what contracts to sign or not to sign. But the mayor’s integrity and admirable qualities shine through his conscience, a conscience that social democrats would share. We can only wonder if a right-wing mayor would have the same reactions.
Mr. Reuten raised another issue concerning the Chinese people in Holland. Given the ruthless political persecution by the Chinese Communist Party in China, it is understandable that people are generally afraid of fighting for civil rights. But would the Chinese people continue to be apathetic and stay mum even when they are abroad in democratic countries? For example, over the years, many Chinese people have come to Holland. By their diligence and intelligence, their lives are getting better and better. Sometime ago, our Workers Party sponsored a big gathering for them. There were all kinds of shows and entertainment, and everyone was enjoying a great deal of fun. Later on, we decided to add a program, with the hope that they would care about the progress of human rights in China at the same time they were leading a better life in Holland. To our surprise and disappointment, these people said, “let us just talk about how to have a better life, but about human rights, no politics.”
“Why are they like this?” Mr. Reuten asked.
The answer lies in the precipitous moral decay brought on by the two-decades of rampant corruption bred from the Chinese Communist Party’s so-called economic reforms and and the fear instilled in the Chinese people’s psyche by the CCP.
1. Before the 1980s, the Chinese Communist Party ruled with an iron fist and maintained a high political pressure in controlling all aspects of the society. Since the economic reforms in the 1980s, the CCP has fine-tuned its strategy a little bit. It still rules with an iron fist, with its trademark ruthless political persecution that puts away those who dare to criticize the government; on the other hand, it seduces people with the opportunity to make some money, much the same way the CCP officials seduce the Holland business leaders. The CCP wants the people to think and only think about all kinds of ways to earn money for enjoyment, not to care about the social right and justice, not to criticize and object the CCP’s dictatorship in any aspect. The capitalistic market with no rule of law and checks and balances is the perfect breeding ground of corruption, where the CCP’s officials in total control of the country’s banking and financial resources, natural resources, and all kinds of building and construction projects, see to it they and those in their political web profit handsomely. The higher rank the official, the more power he has, and the bigger the corruption. This top-down corruption by the Party officials set a very bad example to the whole society. These 20 plus years of non-stop and escalating corruption has poisoned the society, and the collective moral conscience has been dying a slow agonizing death. As a result, people fall victims to mammonism, increasingly politically apathetic. Naturally, the Chinese people who go abroad carry with them this attitude.
2. Even though the Chinese aboard are far away from the Chinese Communist Party, they cannot really stay away from the CCP’s control unless they plan on not going back to China. One would still have trouble in China if he joins overseas political activity to criticize the CCP. Even if he is not going back to China, his relatives in China would get punished for his involvement. On the other hand, if one shows support overseas for the Chinese Communist Party, the CCP agents overseas would take notice, and one would stand to receive preferential treatment in business dealings when he comes back to China. The CCP has used this carrot-stick approach to perfection in maintaining a tight control of the overseas Chinese.
3. The CCP also sends undercover agents to the social activities in the overseas Chinese communities. These agents lead in speaking up in favor of the CCP to influence the people.
After the explanations by the delegates, Mr. Reuten indicated that he would understand the misgivings and hesitancy by the Chinese people in Holland.
The delegates also talked about the persecution of our fellow members in China, especially the case of Mr. Wang Xiaoning, who was sentenced to a 10-year jail term in September 2003. The members overseas are also working under very difficult circumstances, working long hours to maintain a livelihood on one hand and using up free time and savings to continue the democratic activities one another. For example, we organized this delegation to visit Europe this time, and the delegates asked for a temporary leave of absence from their employment. In addition to the loss of salary, we have to pay for all the expenses of this entire trip ourselves. We did not know that the commodity prices in Europe are much higher than in America. Under budgeted, we scrambled to save expenses in whatever way we could. For the past couple of days, we just broke bread and washed it down with water when we were hungry. We rented just one double room, where two people slept on the bed, with the third on the floor, we rotated through the bed-floor sleeping arrangement. To save money, we took a bus, instead of train, and got soaked while waiting at the bus stop.
Mr. Reuten said: I am touched by what you have been through. You remind me very much of the predecessors of our social democratic parties in Europe. They went through a very difficult and trying time like you.
Mr. Reuten’s heart-felt words resonated with the delegates. Encouraged and touched, we felt camaraderie of social democrats and transcendent spirit of social democracy that transcends countries and ethnicities. We recall a slogan of the past, “the Proletariat of the world united together.” In this new era, the rallying cry should be “the social democrats of the world united together.” Social democrats in solidarity are the driving force that motivates us to keep marching on this difficult path.
Before Mr. Reuten left for his afternoon appointment, the delegates presented to them The Historic Tide – Social Democracy, a volume by Mr. Liu Guokai. They took picture together and bid farewell.
The conversation with the two young Workers Party members was relaxed, lively and ardent. They spoke more than we did and helped us understand the dynamics of the CCP in relationship with the European democracies. Their frank talking and quick thinking, coupled with their friendly, easy-going demeanor, have left the delegates a deep impression.
IV. Paris, France.
-- a specific instance is required to show moral support, for example, winning the release of Mr. Wang Xiaoning, sentenced to 10-year in jail in September 2003
On midnight of May 30, 2006, the delegates arrived at Paris. After a little sleeping, the day was getting bright, and they got up. First, they went to the train station to purchase one-way tickets back to Berlin, and then they started looking for the headquarters of the French Socialist Party everywhere. Not until 3pm did they find it. Mr. Maurice Braud, secretary general of the French Socialist Party welcomed the delegations.
First Mr. Braud kindly asked where the delegates had been and what parties they had met.
Mr. Liu Guokai briefed Mr. Braud on the trip so far, and France would be the last stop. Mr. Liu explained that we were frantically looking for the French Socialist Party’s headquarters to no avail. With the clock ticking away, we felt extremely lucky that we finally made it here.
Mr. Liu Guokai continued to say: “Our members of the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party share a strong belief in social democracy. We know full well that the social democracy, originated in mid-nineteenth century and mature in mid twentieth century, has combined the best of humanitarianism, social justice, and historical wisdom. It can best bring liberty, justice and prosperity to a society. Today’s China ruled by an unflinching dictatorship, divided by class polarization, and stripped of social justice and moral conscience needs social democracy. We have organized this delegation to visit Europe because Europe is home to social democracy. By merging the social democracy movement for China into the world-wide social democracy movement, we hope to learn from the experiences of the European social democrats. We also hope to have your support in our undoubtedly difficult and long struggle.
About the support, the delegates emphasized that we asked for moral support, not material or monetary support. Of course, every activity in this social democracy movement would require money and logistics, but we are determined to carry out with our own resources.
Mr. Braud asked about the organization of the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party, a topic of interest to all European social democratic parties.
Mr. Liu Yinquan recapped the status of the party’s organization as before. He added that in addition to the party branches within mainland China, we have established branches in New York, California, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Japan. We are planning to establish an European branch. However, we face difficulties from many fronts in building up our overseas organization. The Chinese people are politically apathetic, the political operatives of the Chinese Communist Party have infiltrated into the overseas Chinese communities to deter people from criticizing the Chinese government, the overseas dissident and pro-democracy groups are more inclined with liberalism but averse to social democracy, and our resources and time are limited in dedicating ourselves to the cause of social democracy. Thus, like many other overseas democratic groups, our organizational development has seen steady but limited.
Mr. Liu Guokai further explained the situation of the party’s organization in China. The party has built a lot of underground branches by various mechanisms since 2000. The Chinese Communist Party’s State Security has not left a stone unturned in rooting out our organization. The branches in Guangdong, Shenzhen and Fujian Provinces have been uncovered, and the leaders detained and questioned. Because they were not sentenced, we have kept our silence lest they would receive more severe punishment. However, only recently did we find out that Mr. Wang Xiaoning, a member of the Beijing branch, a party’s central committee member, and executive director of Political Theory and Policy Studies, was secretly arrested and sentenced to 10 years in prison. This warns us that other leaders with whom we have lost contact over the past several years have suffered a similar fate as Mr. Wang Xiaoning. Now we appeal to every social democracy party in Europe that you look into these political persecutions and pressure the Chinese Communist Party to release these people of conscience.
About the assistance, Mr. Liu Guokai gave a more specific statement. The Chinese Socialist Democratic Party wishes that the European social democratic parties provide moral support and exert pressure on the Chinese Communist Party. For example, the political persecution of Mr. Wang Xiaoning, we hope that every social democratic party in Europe would apply pressure to have Mr. Wang released. If your party has a relationship with the CCP, and your party is the ruling party, we hope that both your government and your party exert pressure to bring about the release. If your party is the ruling party without a relationship with the CCP, or your party is not the ruling party but has a relationship with the CCP, we ask that either your government or your party exert influence on the CCP. If your party is not the ruling party and has no relationship with the CCP, we ask that you use whatever mean you see fit to exert the influence.
In a very clear response, Mr. Braud said: “we are willing to give you the moral support, and such support will be demonstrated in specific instances or projects. The political persecution of Mr. Wang sentenced to 10-year in jail is a specific instance we could take a long look at.” Holding the thick Chinese material, Mr. Braud said: “you’d better produce a brief and concise material in French or English to us to consider more carefully.”
In hearing such a clear answer, the delegates were encouraged. In a relaxed and friendly atmosphere, the delegates talked about how difficult it was when they looked for the headquarters of the French Socialist Party earlier today. Mr. Zhou Yanfeng said that we asked people along the way, they answered us in French, all saying they did not know. Even the police officers said they did not know. This was totally unexpected.
Mr. Liu Guokai said that about the difficulty in locating your headquarters, not only did we not have any complain, but also we have learned the democratic spirit in person. The headquarters of the French Socialist Party is such a common obscure building that a common Parisian does not know about its location. It means the political parties and government are completely separate in a democracy. In China, in stark contrast, the Chinese Communist Party is the government, and the CCP controls all the political power. Its buildings are tall and magnificent in every city and locale, and the people know where the CCP’s provincial and city headquarters are.
Because the delegations had arrived late for the meeting, Mr. Braud rescheduled his date book to meet with the delegation. At 4:30 p.m., Mr. Braud had to leave for his other appointment. At the conclusion of the meeting, the delegates presented to Mr. Braud the book The Historical Tide – Social Democracy by Mr. Liu Guokai, and hoped the French Socialist Party could organize some resources to translate it to French or English. We took pictures and waived goodbye to each other.
This is the first time the Chinese Socialist Democratic Party visited Europe. Even though we did not obtain visas to London to meet the Labor Party and could not schedule a meeting with the Germany Social Democratic Party, the result as a whole is positive. Our visit helps the social democratic parties in Europe appreciate that China, the most populated country in the world, is no longer void of the real social democracy in its concept and organization. The Chinese social democrats, within and without China, have been organized in the long arduous struggle to realize social democracy in China, and our movement has become a part of the worldwide social democracy movement.
The Chinese Socialist Democratic Party’s delegates backpacking their way to meet the social democratic parties in Europe demonstrate their resourcefulness, determination, and sheer will. It is with the same kind of will and conviction that one day we will bring about the dawn of social democracy in China.
Date: New York, NY
June 30, 2006
The Chinese Socialist Democratic Party
International Communications